Lindsey German on making the most of the parlous left-of-Labour alternative

It’s hard to express the frustration and anger which has gripped so many of us who support the idea of a new left party. This has come to a head in the last few days. I was one of those who signed up following an email on Thursday morning and was pleased to do so. I have felt all summer that this project was proceeding far too slowly and was not even trying to mobilise its potential supporters to demonstrate for Palestine or against the threat of Tommy Robinson. Then as the day progressed there were contradictory messages put out from Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana which became increasingly acrimonious and saw both sides threatening legal action – red lines which should not have been crossed.

There is some talk of attempts to patch up the rift between the two and their respective camps. That may happen, but it seems to me will only be temporary given how bad things have become. This should not be reduced to personalities or be about trading insults. I have worked with Jeremy for many years in a number of campaigns, much less so with Zarah, but it is clear to me that both should have an immense amount to contribute to a new socialist party and that the loss of either, or some sort of split so that we end up with two parties, would seriously weaken the left at a time when such a party is urgently needed.

There obviously are political differences in any such split, but it’s not completely clear to me what their significance should be. The rows at the top have led many to say that Jeremy wants Labour mark 2 while Zarah wants a more revolutionary organisation. Given that both have been Labour MPs – and probably both still would be if Starmer hadn’t forced them out – this is a bit of a stretch. In any case, any new party will be a mass reformist party, whether we like it or not, hopefully with many revolutionaries within it who will argue how to confront the state and institutions of capitalist power. They will also argue that real change cannot lie within parliament and that the role of representatives there is to amplify struggle outside.

Any mass party of the sort we are looking at will have a range of opinions on various matters which are controversial but should be able to unite around a unifying set of demands which do not force division over certain issues, including Brexit, Scottish and Welsh nationalism, trans identity or the exact details of how to fight racism. It’s simply a fact that a party of the hundreds of thousands we hope to attract can agree a set of basic demands but will have a range of opinions on other questions. More importantly, if we want to reach out and win votes from those who at present don’t agree with us then we must accept that there will be debate over issues, such as immigration controls, which of course socialists should try to win.

I’m very much against anyone on the left being a landlord, and I oppose conservative views on issues of oppression. And I don’t think the decisions in Your Party should rest with the six MPs and their acolytes. But I’m also unhappy about the increasingly common characterising of the four independent MPs as ‘Muslim men’ or ‘socially conservative’. The dog whistle here is frankly racist: Muslims have a range of different views as you would expect from any major religion. The British working-class movement was built by many who had religious ideas, including Labour’s revered Keir Hardie, a Christian, as well as many Irish Catholics, Jewish campaigners, and yes, Muslim men and women who have played such a big role in the anti-war and pro-Palestine movements. 

At present we have a real dichotomy between those at the top of Your Party, who have been arguing and planning behind closed doors with little regard for the wider movement or potential membership, and a level of enthusiasm and energy at the base, where people are meeting and organising across the country. If Your Party is to succeed – and that is now a big if – then those doing this work have to assert themselves to stop this factionalism and clique-like behaviour at the top, to demand a proper democratic conference where those attending are not chosen by random lottery, to get details of local membership to groups as a matter of urgency, and to say that the party must go ahead regardless of who leads it.

There is a real urgency about this. We saw the mass march by Tommy Robinson last weekend, and the continuing right-wing protests over asylum seekers. Labour is failing by the day and Reform well ahead in the polls. We urgently need an alternative. In this mess, others can fill the vacuum. The Greens are growing as a result, buoyed by the election of Zack Polanski who presents a fresh and politically effective left face for the party. Although, truth be told, the rush of new members in the last week only amounts to 1,400. That is a pittance compared even to the 20,000 who managed to join Your Party on the morning of the botched membership launch. And the real problem is the Greens are not a working-class party and cannot appeal to the disaffected working-class which will be key to Your Party’s success. Instead, they are seen as talking down to workers about the environment, rather than challenge the big business who are the real dangers to the planet.

Their record on councils is not good when they are in power; they have been ineffective in parliament, incapable of providing a left pole of attraction; they fail to mobilise effectively for major protests over Palestine or fascism. Favourable to Nato (although Polanski promises to change this), their fellow Greens, especially in Germany, have moved towards full on warmongering and cheerleading for rearmament.

There is also the possibility of Labour left revival, especially if Starmer gets ousted in the next year. Manchester mayor Andy Burnham is obviously considering returning to parliament although such is the strength of Reform, he cannot be sure of a safe seat any longer. But Labour’s left will be crowing about the Your Party debacle and urging people to rejoin to fight for change.

So the stakes are very high. If we blow this chance then the demoralisation on the left will be profound and the opportunities for the right will grow. The only hope is that this shock will lead to an assertion of the rank-and-file and the timely reminder that this is not primarily about Jeremy and Zarah, but about the rest of us. And of course about the future of the working-class movement. 

This week: I will be organising over Gaza, both the demo at Labour Party conference this Saturday and for the mass London demo on 11 October. Pressure from below has forced Starmer to recognise a Palestine state but the horrors in Gaza and the West Bank continue. Also trying to strategise on fascism and how to fight it with other comrades. And increasingly worried about the expansion of the Nato-Russia war. Speaking at a Counterfire meeting in East London on Thursday.