Max Hastings and Michael Gove say we should should blame the Germans for World War I and celebrate the victory for 'freedom' and 'democracy'. Archaeologist Neil Faulkner disagrees
Max Hastings has his new book on 1914 out already (Catastrophe: Europe goes to war, 1914). In it he pulls no punches. Even the dustcover proclaims the forthright revisionist message.
'He [the author] finds the evidence overwhelming that Austria and Germany must accept the principal blame for the outbreak. While what followed was a vast tragedy, he argues passionately against the 'poets 'view' that the war was not worth winning. It was vital to the freedom of Europe, he says, that the Kaiser's Germany should be defeated.'
UK secretary of state for education, Michael Gove, writing in the Daily Mail, takes the same view:
'The First World War may have been a uniquely horrific war, but it was also plainly a just war... The ruthless social Darwinism of the German elites, the pitiless approach they took to occupation, their aggressively expansionist war aims and their scorn for the international order all made resistance more than justified.'
So there you have it. Just as the rulers of Britain and France argued at the time, it was all Germany's fault. Never mind that Britain had the largest empire in the world, ruling over one-fifth of the world's land mass and one-quarter of its people. Never mind that Britain's navy was almost the twice the size of Germany's. Never mind that Britain had formed a military alliance with Russia and France, leaving Germany's rulers feeling corralled and threatened in an arms race they were losing.
This is not to exonerate the Kaiser. It is simply to say that he was no worse than the rulers of Britain and France. All were imperialists and warmongers. All were prepared to plunge the world into an industrialised war for the power and profit of a few. The vast majority of humanity – the vast majority of the people these rulers were supposed to represent – had no interest in the war. The conscripted workers and peasants of Europe were the victims of a millionaires' war.
'No poet,' says Hastings, 'ever identified a route by which the British, French, and Belgian people could have escaped the conflict, save by accepting the Kaiser's domination of Europe.' This claim appears in a Daily Mail article in June this year headlined 'Sucking up to the Germans is no way to remember our Great War heroes, Mr Cameron'.
But this is nonsense. There was a Europe-wide movement against war. Just days before Germany's declaration of war there were 100,000 anti-war demonstrators on the streets of Berlin. Across Germany, during four days of mass protest in the final days of peace, there had been no fewer than 288 anti-war demonstrations involving up to three-quarters of a million people.
Across Europe that last summer of peace, as millions of people took action against their own rulers, there was a widespread mood of internationalism and solidarity. But when the leaders of all the mainstream parties lined up in support of the war effort, they reinforced a tide of jingoism that the killed the anti-war movement and swept the people of Europe into internecine carnage.
But that mood would resurface, and when it did, beginning in 1917, it would be charged with bitterness at the slaughter and impoverishment, becoming a giant wave of revolution crashing across the continent, ending the war, toppling tyrants, and shaking the foundations of the entire social order.
'Far from dying in vain,' continues Hastings, 'those who perished ... between 1914 and 1918 made as important a contribution to our privileged, peaceful lives today as did their sons in World War II.'
And Michael Gove agrees:
'For all our mistakes as a nation, Britain’s role in the world has also been marked by nobility and courage. Indeed, the more we reflect on every aspect of the war, the more cause there is for us to appreciate what we owe to our forebears and their traditions.'
These are extraordinary claims. The British and the French used their victory in 1918 to re-divide the world, helping themselves to German colonies, hacking off chunks of German territory in Europe, and imposing crippling reparations payments on the German people.
Meantime, to control their enlarged empires in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, they gunned down protestors demanding democracy and independence. This imperialist carve-up – 'a peace to end all peace' – created the preconditions for the Second World War two decades later.
The cost of the First World War was 15 million dead. The cost of the sequel was 60 million dead. More human beings have been killed by war in the last century than in the whole of the rest of human history put together.
The immense potential of industrial society to provide the goods and service we all need has, again and again, been turned into its opposite: means of destruction and waste on an unprecedented scale.
This is not something to be rationalised into a choice between 'good' empires and 'bad' empires; a choice between 'democratic' Britain and France as against 'autocratic' and 'expansionist' Germany. This is to trivialise historical events, reducing them to little more than a banal discussion about who sent the final ultimatum, who mobilised first, who fired the first shot.
Max Hastings and Michael Gove want us to side with one empire against another. He wants us to wave a Union Jack, celebrate a British victory, and promote the lie that the 15 million dead of the First World War were 'a necessary sacrifice'.
What is required is an analysis that roots tragedies like the First World War, and all the other imperialist conflicts of the last century, in the madness of a world divided into competing corporations and warring nation-states.
From No Glory
Neil Faulkner is a First World War archaeologist and editor of Military History Monthly. He is one of the founders of the No Glory in War campaign.
Neil Faulkner is a freelance archaeologist and historian. He works as a writer, lecturer, excavator, and occasional broadcaster. His books include ‘A Visitor’s Guide to the Ancient Olympics‘ and ‘A Marxist History of the World: from Neanderthals to Neoliberals‘.
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